By Robert F. Moss
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27 Findlay’s poem, however, makes clear that the South Carolina ver- sion of the dish was highly spiced long before the influence of Mexican peppers, and the meat wasn’t limited to pork. 28 The remainder of the poem describes the hurricane and the destruction of the barbecue house where, in the words of William J. 29 The barbecue house in Beaufort seems an anomaly for lowcountry South Carolina. The strong Carolina barbecue tradition that developed in the nineteenth century did 20 H chapter 1 not move from the coast inland; instead, it spread into the Carolinas from Virginia, following the main migration patterns of backwoods settlers.
American politics was evolving from the aristocratic model of colonial days to a more inclusive, rough-and-tumble democracy. The ruling gentry in colonial Virginia had professed the classical Republican ideal of a disinterested elite governing with the deferential consent of the common citizens, though barbecues and other forms of treat- ing were early signs that voters actually exerted a certain amount of power. If this trend was noticeable in Tidewater Virginia, where the social structure was relatively stable and defined, it was even more evident on the frontier, where the social order was less certain and ordinary citizens were more likely to demand that their representatives cater to their personal interests.
8 Rough as they were, Fourth of July barbecues had an important civic function be- yond simple merrymaking. The entire community would come together at these events and—through the reading of the Declaration and the patriotic orations—would re affirm the guiding principles of the early republic. The toasts were both a celebration of the new country’s history and, in their commentary on current events, a form of po- litical discourse. Barbecues were also important reflections of American democratic values.