By Benjamin Fordham
In 1950, the U.S. army finances greater than tripled whereas plans for a countrywide overall healthiness care method and different new social welfare courses disappeared from the schedule. whilst, the reliable crusade opposed to the impact of radicals in American existence reached new heights. Benjamin Fordham means that those family and international coverage results are heavily comparable. The Truman administration's efforts to fund its formidable and dear international coverage required it to sacrifice a lot of its household time table and acquiesce to conservative calls for for a crusade opposed to radicals within the exertions circulation and in other places. utilizing a statistical research of the industrial assets of aid and competition to the Truman Administration's international coverage, and a old account of the an important interval among the summer time of 1949 and the iciness of 1951, Fordham integrates the political fight over NSC sixty eight, the choice to intrude within the Korean struggle, and congressional debates over the reasonable Deal, McCarthyism and armed forces spending. The Truman Administration's coverage was once politically profitable not just since it appealed to across the world orientated sectors of the U.S. economic climate, but in addition since it was once associated with family guidelines preferred via locally orientated, labor-sensitive sectors that will another way have antagonistic it. This interpretation of chilly battle overseas coverage will curiosity political scientists and historians all in favour of the origins of the chilly battle, American social welfare coverage, McCarthyism, and the Korean warfare, and the theoretical argument it advances can be of curiosity widely to students of U.S. overseas coverage, American politics, and diplomacy thought. Benjamin O. Fordham is Assistant Professor of Political technological know-how, nation college of latest York at Albany.
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Additional info for Building the Cold War Consensus: The Political Economy of U.S. National Security Policy, 1949-51
Unfortunately, this account of the process is not sustained by a close examination of the evidence. In fact, the administration's decision to proceed with rearmament was not driven by particular external events, but by the resolution of a domestic political conflict between opposing sets of policy priorities. External events may make a great impression on individual policymakers, but domestic actors with different interests may disagree about their significance. The influence of an event depends on the interests comprising the dominant domestic coalition.
30 Above all, Clark and Keyserling disagreed with Nourse on the effects of military and foreign aid programs. Although they agreed that the military budget should be kept as low as was consistent with national security, they argued this was only because military programs are not wealth-creating in the sense of other programs, and therefore represent an economic loss necessitated by unfortunate world conditions .... Nevertheless, we have several times pointed out that our economy can sustain-in fact, must be subjected to policies which make it able to sustain-such military outlays as are vital to [national safety and the promotion of optimum opportunity for world peace].
Contrary to Nourse, they contended that a moderate budget deficit during fiscal 1951 would stimulate business activity sufficient both to cover the debt and to produce a budget surplus by fiscal 1953. "30 Above all, Clark and Keyserling disagreed with Nourse on the effects of military and foreign aid programs. Although they agreed that the military budget should be kept as low as was consistent with national security, they argued this was only because military programs are not wealth-creating in the sense of other programs, and therefore represent an economic loss necessitated by unfortunate world conditions ....