By John C. Hennen
" Hennen explores West Virginia's integration into America's company political economic system in the course of and after global warfare I. faraway from being remoted in the course of America's transformation right into a international energy, West Virginia used to be squarely within the mainstream. The state's humans and average assets served an important services as manufacturers and gasoline for the postwar economic system. Hennen examines a formative interval in West Virginia's sleek background that has been mostly missed past the normal concentration within the coal undefined. Hennen appears to be like at schooling, reform, and commercial kinfolk within the country of the context of battle mobilization, postwar instability, and nationwide fiscal growth. the 1st global struggle, he argues, consolidated the dominant positions of pros, company humans, and political capitalists as arbiters of nationwide values. company leaders hired public family strategies that the Wilson management had subtle to achieve public help for the struggle. Free-market enterprise rules grew to become synonymous with patriotic citizenship. Americanization, accordingly, refers much less to the assimilation of immigrants into the mainstream than to the try to encode values that may warrantly a literate and dependable generating type.
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Additional info for The americanization of West Virginia: creating a modern industrial state, 1916-1925
Young as secretary State Auditor John S. Darst, State Superintendent of Schools Morris P. Shawkey, Attorney General E. T. England, Treasurer William S. Johnson, and Commissioner of Agriculture James H. Stewart rounded out the executive board. 40 One month after the congressional war resolution, the Council of National Defense called governors and state representatives to Washington to coordinate state and federal strategies for the mobilization of public opinion. " 41 Accordingly, the advisory council established the Bureau of Information, Education and Publicity as one of its major divisions.
Preparedness advocates insisted that France and England were fighting a war that was also America's and that defeat for the Allies would imperil democracy everywhere. Capitalizing on growing public fears of armed invasion by Germany and increasing suspicion of German immigrants, the preparedness lobby had attracted considerable support for their contention that German military might had to be resisted. From August 1914 until April 1917, these private lobbyists had assumed a major role in education and propaganda about the war.
I could not have completed this project without the goodwill, friendship, and positive criticism of many colleagues. Sandra Barney, Jim Cook, Jeff Drobney, Elizabeth Fones-Wolf, Greg Good, Jerra Jenrette, Maureen McCormick, Barbara Rasmussen, Tom Robertson, Paul Salstrom, George Simpson, Mike Slaven, and Carol Wilson offered particularly valuable insights regarding this study, and, just as importantly, cheerful companionship. Thanks to colleagues who have read this work at many stages of the process.