By Robert Baer
Over the last thirty years, whereas the USA has grew to become both a blind or dismissive eye, Iran has emerged as a country every piece as able to changing America’s future as conventional superpowers Russia and China. certainly, one among this book’s significant arguments is that, in many ways, Iran’s grip on America’s destiny is even tighter.
As ex–CIA operative Robert Baer masterfully exhibits, Iran has maneuvered itself into the elite superpower ranks through exploiting Americans’ fake perceptions of what Iran is—by letting us think it's a nation run by way of scowling spiritual fans, too preoccupied with theocratic jostling and terrorist agendas to bolster its political and monetary foundations.
The fact is far extra frightening—and but inside the power disaster is an implicit political reaction that, if we’re daring sufficient to undertake it, may well ward off disaster.
Baer’s on-the-ground sleuthing and interviews with key heart East players—everyone from an Iranian ayatollah to the king of Bahrain to the top of Israel’s inner security—paint an image of the centuries-old Shia state that's starkly the other of the single commonly drawn. for instance, Iran’s hate-spouting President Ahmadinejad is in no way the genuine spokesman for Iranian international coverage, neither is Iran making it the top precedence to turn into a nuclear participant.
Even so, Baer has stumbled on that Iran is at the moment engaged in a delicate takeover of the center East, that the proxy approach to war-making and co-option it perfected with Hezbollah in Lebanon is being exported during the zone, that Iran now controls a good portion of Iraq, that it really is extending its impact over Jordan and Egypt, that the Arab Emirates and different Gulf States are being pulled into its sphere, and that it'll almost immediately have an organization carry at the world’s oil spigot.
By blending anecdotes with info gleaned from clandestine resources, Baer fantastically demonstrates that Iran, faraway from being a wild-eyed rogue nation, is a rational actor—one expert within the online game of countries and so potent at thwarting perceived Western colonialism that even rival Sunnis savour struggling with lower than its banner.
For U.S. coverage makers, the alternatives have narrowed: both cede the world’s most vital power corridors to a kingdom which could fit us militarily with its uneven features (which contain using suicide bombers)—or take care of the satan we all know. we would simply locate that during allying with Iran, we’ll have elevated not only our personal safeguard yet that of all center East nations.The alternative—to proceed goading Iran into developing hegemony over the Muslim world—is too chilling to contemplate.
From the Hardcover edition.
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Additional info for The Devil We Know: Dealing with the New Iranian Superpower
In Marcuse’s view, although the majority of the population resists the thought and action of the New Left, it reﬂects a growing discontent and dissatisfaction with the system and contributes to undermining its power further (CR&R, p. 31). The problem is that the “countervalues, counterbehaviour” and its Marxist-socialist theory and practice are alien to the large majority of the working population, who are not aware of the radical cleavage between what is possible and what is actual, or of the existing possibilities for qualitative change.
S. A. A. connection in a previous article.
21 20 In works like EC, SM and ODM, Marcuse’s commitment to socialism is muted and is often expressed elliptically. In his post-1965 writings, however, he articulates his commitment to socialism much more explicitly. : Beacon Press, 1970) (hereafter 5L), pp. 67ff. ; EL, passim; and a 1968 lecture given in commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of the Guardian, where he says, “I believe that the alternative is socialism,” and afﬁrms his solidarity with the struggle for socialism. See Kellner, Herbert Marcuse, Chapter 10, for more detailed discussion of his concept of socialism.